IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-S) 


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4^ 


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1.0 


I.I 


11.25 


L&    115 

las 


6" 


Photographic 
.Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WBT  MAIN  iii<?iET 

WIMTU.N.Y.  MSM 

(716)  •73-4S03 


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V 


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0 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIN/i/iCIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  da  microraproductions  historiquas 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notaa/Notas  tachniquaa  at  bibliographiquas 


Tha  Inatituta  haa  attar  ttad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  availabia  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  thia 
copy  which  may  ba  bibliographically  uniqua. 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagas  in  tha 
raproduction.  or  which  may  aignificantly  changa 
tha  uaual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chackad  balow. 


D 

D 

n 

D 
D 
D 
D 
D 


Colourad  covara/ 
Couvarture  da  coulaur 

Covara  damagad/ 
Couvartura  andommagia 

Covara  raatorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  raataurte  at/ou  pelliculAa 

Covar  titia  miaaing/ 

La  titra  da  couvartura  manqua 

Colourad  mapa/ 

Cartaa  giographiquas  en  coulaur 

Colourad  ink  li.a.  othar  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

Coloured  platea  and/or  illuatrations/ 
Planchea  et/ou  illustrations  an  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relii  avec  d'autres  documents 


r~T  Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 

LUlI    along  interior  margin/ 

La  reliure  serrie  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  la  long  de  la  marge  intirieure 


□ 


n 


Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
li  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajoutiaa 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaiasent  dana  la  texte. 
mais,  lorsque  cela  Atait  poasibla,  ces  pagea  n'ont 
pas  M  filmias. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  8uppl6mentaires: 


Tl 
to 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  la  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  ttt  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliogrephique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  imege  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mithode  normale  de  filmage 
aont  indiquAs  cidessous. 


I      I    Coloured  pages/ 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagAes 

Pages  restored  and/oi 

Pages  restauries  et/ou  pelliculAes 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxe( 
Pages  dicoiorAes.  tachat^es  ou  piqu6es 


r~~|   Pages  damaged/ 

I      I    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 

r— 1    Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 


Tl 

P< 
o1 
III 


O 

b< 
t»i 
al 
ot 

fli 
al 

01 


□    Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ditach^es 

I      I  y^howthrough/ 
I Ut  Transparence 

I      I    Quality  of  print  varies/ 


D 


D 


Quality  in^gale  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppl^mentaire 


Tl 
a» 
Tl 
w 

M 
dl 
ar 
b« 

rll 

i-a 


[~~]    Only  edition  available/ 


Seule  Edition  disponible 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totaiement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  M  fiimies  A  nouveau  de  fapon  i 
obtenir  ta  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  itiem  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  eat  film*  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-deaaoua. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


J 


12X 


16X 


20X 


a4X 


28X 


32X 


Th«  copy  fllm«d  h«r«  has  b—n  raproductd  thanks 
to  th«  g«n«rotltv  of: 

Library  Divition 

Provincial  ArcNvti  of  British  Columbia 


L'OKomploIro  f Ilm4  f ut  roprodpit  e'ico  A  la 
B4n*rotlt4  do: 

Library  Divitioit 

Provincial  Arehivtt  of  British  Columbia 


Tho  imagoo  appoarlng  horo  ara  tha  baat  qMallty 
poaalblo  conaMorlng  tha  condition  and  taglblllty 
of  tho  original  copy  and  In  Icaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  tpoclficationa. 


Original  capiat  in  i»rintad  papar  covort  ara  flimad 
baglnning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tho  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  iiiuatratad  Impraa- 
•ion,  or  tho  bacit  cojar  whan  oppropriata.  All 
othor  original  copioa  ara  flimad  baglnning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  iliustratad  impraa- 
•ion,  and  anding  on  tha  laat  paga  with  a  printad 
or  iiiuatratad  impraa^ion. 


Tha  last  racordad  framo  on  aach  microficha 
•hall  contain  tha  symbol  — ^  !maaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  ▼  (moaning  "END"). 
whichavar  applias. 


Laa  Imagas  suivantas  ont  AtA  roproduitoa  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin.  compto  tonu  do  la  condition  ot 
do  la  nattat*  da  raxampiaira  filmA,  at  an 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 

Las  axamplalraa  originaux  dont  la  couvortura  an 
paplar  aat  imprimAa  sont  filmAs  on  common^ant 
par  la  pramiar  plat  at  Wi  tarminant  salt  par  la 
darniira  paga  qui  comporto  uno  omprointo 
d'improaslon  ou  d'lllustration,  soit  par  la  sacond 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  loa  autraa  axamplalraa 
originaux  sont  filmAs  9n  common^sant  par  la 
pramlAra  paga  qui  comporto  una  amprainta 
d'impraasion  ou  d'lllustration  at  an  tarminant  par 
la  dwn\^9  paga  qui  comporto  uno  tollo 
amprainta. 

Un  das  symbolos  suivants  apparaftra  sur  la 
darnlAra  imaga  da  chaqua  microficha,  salon  la 
cas:  la  symbolo  «^  signifia  "A  8UIVRE".  la 
symbolo  ▼  signifia  "FIN". 


Maps,  piatas.  charts,  ate.  may  ba  filmad  at 
diffarant  raduction  ratios.  Thosa  too  larga  to  ba 
antiraly  includad  in  ona  sxposura  ara  filmad 
baglnning  in  tha  uppar  laft  hand  cornt  r.  laft  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frar.«as  as 
caquirad.  Tha  following  Jiagroms  iliustrata  tha 
mathod: 


Las  cartas,  planchas.  tabiaaux.  ate.  pauvant  Atra 
fiimAs  A  das  taux  da  rAductlon  diffArants. 
Lorsqua  la  documant  ast  trap  grand  pour  Atra 
raproduit  an  un  saul  clichA.  11  ast  filmA  A  partir 
da  I'angla  supAriaur  gaucha.  da  gaucha  A  droita. 
at  da  haut  an  bas.  an  pranant  la  nombra 
d'imagas  nAcasaaira.  Las  diagrammas  nuivants 
illustrant  la  mAthoJo. 


1  2  3 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

% 


SPEECH 


^^^TT  ^   " 


*# 


or 


MB.  E.  JOHNSON,  OF  MARYLAND, 


OK  THB 


V   * 


OREGON    QUESTION 


PMLivs^iir  iif  THE  Sknate  of  THB  Unitbd  Statrs,  Maicb  11,  1849, 


V 


■  ..     •  A-  ■ 

1- 

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1VASHINGT0N: 
riitt^TRo'fet  joan  t.  iowsbh. 
-.^'•^      1846. 


■'ri*. 


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7  ■'*, 


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SPEECH 


ov 


MR.  REVERDY  JOHNSON,  OP  MARYLAND. 


Mr.  REVERDY  JOIIXSON  tow  mid  addrPHHod  the  Seiiato  as  follows: 


It  18  with  unuflectcd  cmbarrassnieiit  I  rise  tu  address  the  Senate  on  the 
subject  now  under  (^oii  '<lcratiun  ;  but  its  gn'Ut  itn|>urtancc  and  the  moment- 
ous issues  involved  in  w  tinal  settlement  are  such  us  comi)el  me,  notwith- 
standing  my  distrust  of  j.y  ability  to  be  useful  to  my  country,  to  make 
the  attempt.  Wo  have  all  felt  that,  at  one  time  at  least,  (I  trust  that  time  is 
now  past,)  we  were  in  imminent  danger  of  war.  From  the  moment  the 
President  of  the  United  States  deemed  it  right  and  becoming,  in  the  outset 
of  his  official  career,  to  announce  to  the  world  that  our  title  to  Oregon  was 
clear  and  unquestionable,  down  to  the  period  of  his  message  to  Congress  in 
December  last,  when  he  reiterated  the  declaration,  I  could  not  see  how  it 
was  possible  that  war  should  bo  averted.  That  apprehension  was  rendered 
much  more  intense  from  thv,  character  of  the  debates  elsewhere,  as  well  as 
from  the  speeches  of  some  of  tl.ji  President's  political  friends  within  this 
chamber.  I  could  not  but  listen  with  alarm  and  dismay  to  what  fell  from 
the  very  distinguished  and  experienced  Senator  from  Michigan,  (Mr.  Cass,) 
at  an  early  period  of  this  deimte  ;  to  what  I  heard  from  the  Senator  from  In- 
diana, (Mr.  Hanakuan  ;)  and,  above  all,  to  what  was  said  by  the  Senator 
from  Ohio,  (Mr.  Ai.i.k.n,)  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Rela- 
tions, who,  in  my  simplicity,  I  supposed  must  necessarily  be  apprized  of  the 
views  of  tlie  (luvcrunient  in  regard  to  tho  foreign  concerns  of  the  nation. 
>>upposing  the  condition  of  the  country  to  be  what  it  was  represented  to  ho 
by  each  and  all  of  the  three  Senators,  I  could  not  imagine  how  it  could  be 
possible  that  that  most  direful  of  all  human  calamities,  war,  was  to  be  avoided; 
and  I  was  accordingly  prepared  to  say,  on  the  hypothesis  of  fact  assumed  by 
the  Senator  from  Michigan, that  wur  was  inevitable;  or  to  use  his  own  para- 
phrase of  his  own  term,  wl^ich,  it  would  appear,  has  got  out  of  Hivor  with 
himielC  that  **  war  must  come. 

What  did  they  represent  to  be  the  condition  of  the  nation  ?  I  speak  now 
more  particularly  of  the  two  Senators  from  Indiana  and  Ohio.  They  told  us 
thit  negotiation  was  at  an  end  ;  that  we  were  now  thrown  back  on  our  origi. 
nal  rights ;-  that,  by  these  original  rights,  as  had  been  officially  announced, 
our  title  to  tlie  whole  country  was  beyond  all  question ;  and  that  the  national 
honor  must  be  forfeited,  if  that  title  should  not  be  mabitained  by  force  of 
aamM*  I  frll  that  ke  must  have  been  a  careless  and  profitless  reader  of  Eng- 
Jbli  itiftOry  who  cmild  indulge  the  Iio|»e  that,  if  such  wai$  ^9  be  the  course 


?^«>35n 


I" 

1) 


And  conduct  of  thiH  countr}',  war  wad  n^t  inevitable.  Then,  in  a<ldition  to 
uiy  own  opinion,  when  I  heard  it  admitted  by  the  hunorable  Senator  from 
Michigan,  with  that  perfect  candor  which  alwayH  diHtinguiHheH  kiin  on  thi^ 
floor,  that,  in  hid  opinion,  England  M'ould  never  recedi's  I  felt  that  war  was 
inevitable. 

1  now  rejoice  in  hopin<;  and  believing,  from  what  I  have  .siibHequcntly 
htMini,  that  the  ffurtt  of  the  Heruite,  hh  well  as  mv  own  apprchenHiona,  were, 
as  I  think,  unfounde<i.  Since  then,  tho  HtatcMmanlike  view  taken  ljy  the  Sen- 
ator from  New  York,  who  tirHt  addrenacd  us,  f  Mr.  Dix,)  and  by  thc^^ena  or 
from  Min.HOtiri,  (Mr.  Bcnton,)  to  whom  this  wnole  question  is  as  familiar  ax 
a  household  term — and  the  spirit  of  peace  which  breathed  in  their  every 
word — have  fully  satisHed  mc  that,  so  far  as  depends  upon  them,  a  fair  and 
liberal  compromisr.  of  our  diHi(^^es  would  not  be  in  want  of  willing  and 
zealous  advocates.  j^B 

And  this  hope  has  been  yet  n^r  strengthened  by  the  recent  speech  of  the 
Senator  from   North   Carolina,  (Mr.   Haywood,)  not  now  iu   his  place. 
Knowing,  as  I  thought  I  did,  tho  intimate  relations,  both  personal  and  pc< 
litical,  which  that  Senator  bore  to  tho  (.'hief  Magistrate — knowing,  too,  that, 
as  chiiirmanof  the  Committee  on  Connnerce,  it  was  his  special  duty  to  be- 
come infonned  of  all  matters  having  a  bearing  on  the  foreign  relations  of  the 
country,  I  did  not  doubt,  and  I  ilo  not  now  doubt,  that  in  every  thing  he  said 
as  to  the  determination  of  tho  President  to  accept,  if  offered  by  the  British 
Ciovernment,  the  same  terms  which  ho  had  himself  proposed  in  July  last, 
the  reasokiable  inference  was,  that  such  an  offer,  if  made,  would  be  accepted. 
.1  do  not  mean  to  say,  because  I  did  not  so  undiirstand  the  Senator,  that,  in 
addressing  this  Inxly  in  relation  to  the  opinions  or  purposes  of  the  President, 
ho  spoke  oy  any  express  and  di    gated  authority.     But  I  do  mean  to  say, 
that  I  have  no  doubt,  from  his  knowledge  of  the  general  views  of  the  Presi- 
dent, as  expressed  in  his  message,  taken  in  connexion  with  certain  omissions 
on  the  i>art  of  the  Executive,  that  when  that  Senator  announced  to  us  that 
the  President  would  feci  himsoU'  in  honor  bound  to  accept  his  own  oflfer,  if 
now  reciprocated  by  (treat  Britain,  he  spoke  that  which  ho  knew  to  be  true. 
And  Uiis  opinion  was  yet  more  strengthened  and  confirmed  by  what  I  found  to 
be  tho  effect  of  his  speech  on  the  two  Senators  I  have  named — the  leaders,  if 
they  will  permit  me  to  call  them  so,  of  the  ultraists  on  this  subject—-!  mean 
tho  Senator  from  Indiana,  (Mr.  Haxnegan,)  and  the  Senator  firom  Ohio, 
i(Mr.  Allkn.)    He  was  an  undisccrning  witness  of  the  scene  \Th!ch  took 
place  iji  this  chamber  immediately  afler  the  speech  of  the  Senator  firom 
North  Carolina,  (Mr.  Havwood,)  who  must  not  have  seen  that  tliose  two 
Senators  had  constilted  together  with  the  view  of  ascertaining  how  far  tho 
Senator  from  North  Garolma  spoke  by  authority,  and  that  the  rewlk  of  their 
■consultation  was  a  determination  to  catechise  that  Senator }  and  the  better  to 
avoid  all  mistake,  that  they  reduced  their  intierrogatory  to  writingf  in  order 
that  it  might  be  propounded  to  him  by  the  Senator  from  Indiana,  ^Mr.  Hak* 
kboan;)  and  if  it  was  not  answered,  that  it  was  then  to  be  held  as  cen*^i 
atructively  answered  by  tho  Senator  from  Ohio,  (Mr.  Allbn.)    What  the 
,i;estUt  of  the  mantsuvre  was  I  leave  i^  to  the  Senate  to  decide;  but  this  I  will 
Venture  io>  Miy,  that  in  the  been  ^nconnter  of  wits,  to*  which  their  ooDoquy 
led,,  tiie  two  oenatonn  who  commenced  ii  got  rather  Uie  worst  of  this  contest. 
jj^'jlf  J  hope  and  belief  haf  been  jret  further  strengthened  by  whlu^bas  hot  since 
lu4>pened ;  I  meas  my  belief  in  the  pacific  vT^wii  of  the  Chief  Utiietrate. 
The  speech  of  the  Senator  from  North  Carolina  waa  made  on  "^(WiMy,  aadt 


t 


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(Ulition  to 
ator  from  « 
ID  on  tliid      * 
war  waij      • 

mequcntly 
0118,  were, 
the  Son- 
ic "So  na  or 
amiliar  ax 
icir  every 
a  fair  anci 
illing  and 

ech  of  th<^ 
h'lH  place, 
nl  and  pc- 
r,  too,  that, 
iluty  to  bo- 
Lions  of  the 
ing  he  said 
the  British 
n  July  last, 
B  accepted, 
lor,  that,  in 
;  President, 
ean  to  say, 
f  the  Presi- 
n  omissions 
d  to  us  that 
>wn  oflfer,  U' 
r  to  be  true, 
at  I  found  to 
ic  leaders,  if 
«t — I  mean 
from  Ohio, 
\7hi2h  look 
^nator  from 
at  Uiose  two 
how  fiur  tho 
MUh  of  their 
the  better  to 
ing,  in  order 
,  mr.  Hak- 
held  as  con-^j 
)    What  the 
«ttthi«IwiU 
heirouUoquy 
'  tkb  contest. 
M  HOT  since 
r  lltiiiftrate. 
hiiMkyvMitt 


though  a  week  has  nearly  elapsed  since  that  time,  notwithstanding  the 

anxious  solicitude  of  both  those  Senators,  and  their  evident  desire  to  set  the 

public  right  un  that  subject,  we  have,  from  that  day  to  this,  heard  from  neither 

A.  of  the  Senators  the  slightest  intimation  that  the  construction  given  to  the 

^lessage  by  the  Senator  from  North  Cantlina  was  not  the  tnie  one. 

Mr.  Hannmjan-     I  refer  the  Senator  to  the  columns  of  the  (lovemment 
^paper — the  llnioii. 

Mn  Johnson.  I'he  Senator  refers  nie  to  the  fioverument  paper — ^the 
1'nion.  Very  well.  I  mil  glad  to  hear,  froiii  one  who  has  a  right  to  know 
what  all  the  relations  of  the  PruHident  ur(>,  that  the  paiMM-  he  alludes  to  in 
'•  the  Ciovernment  paper ;"  because,  as  [  read  what  is  in  the  (lovernment 
paper,  it  wcms  to  me  as  clear  as  the  sun  at  noon  tl  it  the  Senator  from 
North  Carolina  was  right  and  the  Senators  from  Indiana  and  Ohio  were 
wrong.  It  was  not  my  purpose  to  have  made  use  of  extnicts  from  that  paper, 
as  the  organ  of  the  (loveriunent ;  Itiit  now  we  have  it  admitted  from  very  high 
authority  that  that  pujier  is  the  organ  of^he  (lovernmenf.  I  believe,  how- 
ev(%  there  was  a  time  when  the  Hena^r  rroiii#In(li»na  would  have  very 
promptly  ilisclaimed  the  authority  of  that  orjian. 

Mr.  Hanne«j.%n.  I  do  not  pretend  to  call  it  the  (iovernment  paper,  be- 
yond  the  authority  which  I  have  sometimes  seen  in  the  paper  itself. 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  <jnite  sulficient.  I  am  content  with  the  Senator's 
judgment.  But,  to  re.mimo.  On  Friday  night,  aOer  the  seene  to  which  F 
have  alludud,  and  which  apparently  threw  so  much  dismay  over  the  few  or 
the  many,  (whether  they  are  fi'W  or  many  will  appear  herealler,)  who  go  for 
"i4'  40'  or  a  war,  and  after  the  attention  of  the  President  must  have  been 
railed  to  what  had  passed  in  this  chamber,  we  are  told,  in  relation  to  the  con- 
duct which  the  President  is  likely  to  pursue  in  this  controversy,  that  "  his  fu- 
ture course  must  be  judged  by  his  past  conduct ;"  that  is,  whether  he  will  ac- 
cept the  offer  of  49''  may  be  decided  by  the  fact  thai  hr  formerly  offered  A9°. 
Nor  is  this  all.  Incautious  and  honeyed  words,  (of  which  the  editor  of  that 
print  is  so  complete  a  master,)  he  reads  a  nuld  h'cture  to  the  Senators  from 
Indiana  and  Ohio,  and  all  who  concur  with  them  in  their  views  of  this  matter. 
After  saying  of  Senators  on  this  side  of  the  cluunber,  that  they  evidently  "en- 
joyed the  corruscation,  and  chuckled  over  the  storm  it  forebotled,"  the  editor 
goes  on  to  say  "  the  generous  spirit  of  the  Senators  will  prevent  their  repe- 
tition." Our  friends  from  Indiana  and  Ohio  are  no  longer  seen  catechising, 
as  they  did  catechise,  the  Senator  from  North  Carolina.  "  They  ar«^  all  the 
tiriends  of  the  President."  As  much  as  to  say  to  the  Senator  from  Indiana  it  is 
all  useless.  "No  evanescent  remarks  will  swerve  him  from  his  course,  nor 
disturb  that  self-balanced  equanimity  of  spirit  which  graces  the  Chief  Magis- 
trate, who  is  determined  to  do  his  duty,  amid  all  the  difficidties  that  beset 
hie  path,  whether  they  pro<'eed  from  political  enemies  or  hi.^  friends  at  home, 
or  from  the  cabinets  of  foreign  nations."  Whatever,  therefore,  may  proceed 
from  the  Senator  from  Indiana,  (Mr.  Hannkoan,)  or  the  Senator  from  Ohio, 
(Mr.  Allen,)  we  are  told  that  the  self-bn lanced  mind  which  graces  the 
Chief  Magistrate  will  enable  him  to  proceed  in  the  course  of  duty  regardless 
ofalldifiicultie8,come  they  from  what  source  they  may.  If  that  is  given  by 
authority  from  the  President,  then  the  Senator  from  Indiana  is  the  leader  of 
a  forlorn  hope. 

Mr.  Hanneoan.     A  forlorn  hope,  however,  that  will  lead  to  victory. 

Mr.  Johnson.     It  will  be  a  victory  over  your  own  President. 

I  say,  therefore,  thf|t  though  my  mind,  at  the  commencement  of  this  session, 
and  ever  since  the  inaugural  address  of  the  President  was  delivered,  had  un* 


^ 


dergono  the  niOHt  intense  and  agonizing  alarm,  it  is  now  comparativcljr  oaky, 
a:id  it  is  so  from  tlio  settled  and  ahaoluto  conviction  that  tho  President  osteoms 
himself  in  honor  bound  to  settle  this  controversy  herrafter  substantially  on 
tho  termtt  in  which  he  offered  to  settle  it  in  Jidy  last.  Before  I  sit  down  it 
will  be  my  object  to  prove  that  the  honor  of  tho  country  is  bound  to  that  set* 
tlcment.  < 

I  will  now  advi-rt  to  some  facts  having  a  bearing  on  the  qontrovcrsy  in  re. 
gard  to  the  question  of  title,  about  which  there  can  be  no  dispute. 

And  the  first  fiict  to  which  I  advert  is,  that  from  1780  to  the  present  hour, 
England  hati  been  in  the  practical  eujoyment  of  rights  in  the  disputed  terri- 
tory; in  connexion  originally  with  Spain  from  the  year  1702  ;  in  connexion 
with  tho  United  States,  as  standing  upon  our  own  title,  before  1810  ;  and  by 
the  express  authority  and  recognition  of  the  Tutted  States  by  the  convention 
of  tho  20th  October,  181H,  renewed  on  the  0th  of  August,  1827,  and  contin-' 
ued  to  the  present  hour — a  space  of  more  than  fif^y  years.  To  what  extent 
she  enjoyed  these  rights  is^^nothcr^ubject  of  incpiiry ;  but  that  she  practi- 
cally enjoyj'd  the  possession  of  alleged  rights  on  that  coast ;  that  those  ds- 
serted  rights  were  recognised  by  Spain,  and  from  1702  to  1818  practically 
recognistnl  by  flie  United  States,  and  fVoin  1818  to  this  day  expressly  re- 
cognised by  treaty,  are  facts  about  which  there  can  be  no  controversy.  How 
flid  she  obtain  the  rights  thus  practically  exercised  ?  Whence  were  they  de- 
rived, (whether  correctly  or  not  is  another  (piestion;)  but  whence  did  she 
pretend  to  derive  them  ?  I'irst,  from  discoveries  of  her  own.  Second,  that 
that  whole  torritory  was  in  such  a  condition  that  no  exclusive  right  of  sover- 
eignty over  it  existed  in  any  nation,  and  tfiiit  the  convention  of  Nootka  was 
founded  on  tlie  prin"ii»i<«  th;itthe  coast  and  territory  were  in  such  an  anoma- 
lous condition  as  ipen  to  settlement  and  occupation  by  any  and  every 
nation  who  migh;  i-d  in  occupying  and  settling  any  portion,  wherever 
settlements  had  not  previously  been  made.  This  was  the  ground  assumed 
by  England.  What  stood  in  the  way  of  its  acknowledgment  ?  First,  tho 
Spanish  title  acquired  i>y  discovery  and  alleged  subsequent  possession ;  se- 
condly, the  American  titlcasserted  on  the  groiuid  of  discovery  and  possession; 
and  tluRl,  the  Russian  title  supported  in  the  same  way. 

While  England  was  in  the  exercise  of  these  rights,  })y  whom  were  they 
ever  questioned  ?  Not  hy  the  United  States,  till  recently;  not  by  Spain,  after 
the  treaty  of  1700  ;  not  by  Russia,  afler  her  treaty  with  England  in  1824 
And,  as  far  as  we  arc  concerned,  our  treaties  of  1818  and  1827  went  on  the* 
admission  (or  else  those  who  negotiated  them  were  false  to  their  trust)  that 
there  w<'re  some  rights  in  England  in  some  portion  of  that  territory.  Now, 
when  the  treaty  of  1818  was  made,  the  United  States  Government  was  far 
from  claiming  a  right  to  the  country  under  the  Spanish  title ;  fi)r  we  claimed  on 
our  own  right  directly  against  ilie  title  of  Spain.  We  claimed  by  o»ir  own  dis- 
covery  and  our  own  settlement,  made  in  the  exercise  of  our  own  alleged  na- 
tional rights — rights  that  were  inconsistent  with  the  title  of  anybody  else, 
whether  that  title  was  alleged  to  rest  on  discovery,  possession,  or  any  other 
ground.  From  1705  to  this  day,  Spain  has  never  had  possession  of  any  part 
of  the  territory  north  of  42*^ ;  and,  during  the  greater  part  of  that  time,  having 
lost  her  possessions  in  the  interior,  and  lost  all  her  American  colonies  of  every 
kind,  she  has  had  no  foothold  on  the  American  continent  since  she  conceded 
her  interest  to  the  United  States  in  1810.  From  1795  to  1819  is  twenty-four 
years ;  and  if  Spain  was  barred  by  the  abandonment  of  the  coast,  if  we  claim- 
ed under  Spain  in  1819,  might  not  our  title  well  be  sa^d  to  be  barred  also  ? 


*,,. 

..    *  V 


Now,  in  my  judgimnt,  it  would  be  better  for  the  pretensions  of  England 
if  the  Nootka  convention  of  1790  was  held  to  be  terminated  by  the  war  of 
'90  and  never  revived.  If  that  convention  was  terminated  and  the  English 
^possessions  in  Oregon  are  net  to  be  attributed  to  it,  or  ceded,  if  gentlemen 
will  have  it  ho,  by  that  treaty,  then  her  possession  is  adverse  to  Spain  and 
all  the  world.  And  if  her  possession  in  Oregon  has  been  adverse  to  the 
title  of  Spaiu,  from  1796  to  iSlO,  Spain  having  abandoned  this  part  of  thn 
continent  ever  since  1795,  I  would  lilte  to  know  whether  the  adverse  rights 
of  England,  us  against  Spain,  might  not  be  well  defended. 

I  am  not  here  to  contend  that  the  convention  of  1790  was  abrogated  by 
the  war  of  1706,  or  that  it  was  not ;  or  that  it  was  revived  bv  the  treaty  of 
1814,  which  made  provision  for  the  revival  of  commercial  treaties  between 
the  two  nations.  What  I  maintain  is,  that  it  would  be  better  tor  our  title 
to  consider  the  treaty  of  1790  as  in  force  than  as  annulled,  and  better  for  the 
English  title  to  consider  it  annulled,  than  as  in  fijrce. 

How  did  we  (imtil  lately)  undertake  to  make  out  our  title  ?  First*  from 
the  discovery  of  tht^  mouth  of  the  Coliimbi*  river  by  (iray,  and  from  his  en- 
trance into  the  river  ami  sailing  some  distance  up  its  stream,  i  have  no 
doubt  that  he  clid  discover  it  and  did  enter  it.  Secondly,  from  the  explora. 
tion  of  tlie  river  from  its  hea<l  waters  down  to  the  ocean  by  Lewis  and 
('larke.  Of  that  exploration  there  can  be  no  dotibt.  Thirdly,  from  the 
treaty  of  Louisiana;  and  fourthly,  from  the  Florida  treaty  in  1819. 

Now  the  Senate  will  at  once  perceive  that,  so  fur  as  these  several  grounds 
of  title  go,  they  are  inconsistent  with  the  validity  ol  each  other.  If  we  had 
a  right  to  Oregon  in  181H  we  had  that  right  by  our  own  discovery.  If  wo 
had  no  rights  there  then,  it  must  have  been  because  the  title  was  either  in 
Franco  or  Spain.  And  then  if  we  derived  a  valid  title  from  France,  there 
was  no  title  in  Spain.  If  we  derived  our  title  from  Spain,  then  it  can  only 
bo  because  we  hud  no  title  from  our  own  discovery  or  from  the  transfer  of 
the  country  by  l-'runce. 

II  we  look  at  the  diplomatic  correspondence  which  preceded  the  conven- 
tion of  1818,  W((  shall  find  that  the  United  States  maintained  the  validity  of 
our  title  just  as  stoutly  then  as  it  does  now.  We  contended  that  our  right  to 
Oregon  was  an  original  independent  right ;  and  we  made  it  out  to  a  portion 
of  the  territory,  but  that  portion  included  no  more  than  the  country  drained 
by  the  wutors  of  the  Colunil>ia  river.  This  carried  us  up  to  about  latitude 
49'^,  unless  some  of  the  interior  branches  went  higher  than  that.  If  this  title 
be  denied,  then  our  other  title  was  derived  from  the  French  grant.  So  far  it 
is  maniii^st  that  we  couki  pretend  to  no  claim  at  all  beyond  latitiide  49". 

In  1713  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  was  made,  by  the  tenth  article  of  which  it 
was  provided  that  France  should  restore  to  (Ireat  Britain  the  possession  of 
the  coast  of  Hudson  Bay,  and  that  commissaries  should  be  appointed  by  each 
.  party  to  determine  the  limits  between  the  British  possessions  on  Hudson 
Bay  and  the  possessions  of  Franc«\  and  in  like  manner  to  run  another  lino 
neparating  the  British  and  the  French  colonies.  I  know  that  the  present 
doctrine  ie  that  that  line  was  never  established,  but  I  say  that  it  does  not  lie 
in  our  mouth  to  deny  its  establishment.  I  will  now  read  from  a  paper  com- 
municated to  Mr.  Madi8on,Sccretary  of  State,by  Mr.  Monrcc!,then  our  Minister 
«t  the  Court  of  St.  James,  drawn  up  expressly  to  justify  our  (Tovernment  in  rc« 
iufing  to  ratify  the  fifth  article  of  the  convention  of  the  12th  of  May,  1803,  not. 
withstanding  that  treaty  had  been  signed  under  instructions  which  authorized 
«e  fiflh  article  with  the  residue  ef  the  treaty.    Mr.  Monroe  communicates 


'■•■''f  'Tjn'i 


•0  iiti> 


i  o'niii/di'Vi   »»«|  n?  j.i 


9         l>li«w'»»'»W^i 


n 


•')  (' 


to  the  British  Government  the  net  that  those  instructions  were  granted  at  &• 
time  whun  the  Louisiana  treaty  had  not  been  entered  into,  and  conseqiiently 
without  any  reference  to  that  treaty.  But,  as  wo  had  a  shdh  time  afterwards 
got  possession  of  Louisiana,  and  bcibrc  this  fifth  article  wan  ratified,  wo  had 
Hi  Mr.  Jeftbrson,  Mr.  Madison,  and  Mr.  Monroe,  alleged,  under  that  treaty, 
a  right  tu  go  quito  up  to  the  parellol  of  40;  and  Mr.  Monrorplacps  it  on  the 
express  ground  that  tho  line  of  49  hud  been  CHtablished  by  the  tenth  article 
of  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  in  1713.     Hear  what  he  says. 

In  an  otKcial  letter  to  Lord  Harrowby,  dated  the  5th  September,  1804, 
Mr.  Monroe  says : 

"  By  the  tenth  article  or  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  it  is  agreed  <  that  France  shall  restore 
to  Great  liritain  llie  hay  and  straits  of  Hudson,  together  with  all  lands,  seas,  seacoasts, 
rivers,  and  places  situate  in  the  said  bay  and  straits  which  belong  thereunto,'  fcc.  It  is 
alto  agreed,  '  that  commissaries  shall  be  forthwith  appointed  by  each  power  to  determine, 
within  a  year,  the  limits  between  the  said  bay  of  Hudson  and  tlie  places  appertaining  to 
the  French;  and  also  to  describe  and  settle,  in  like  manner,  the  boundaries  between  the 
other  British  and  French  colonies  in  those  parts.* 

"Commissaries  were  accordingly  appointed  by  each  power,  who  rxceuttd  the  ilifmlatwns> 
of  the  treaty  in  establishtns^  the  boundaries  propoutl  bu  it.  They  fir.ed  the  northern  boundary 
of  Canada  and  Louisiana  by  a  line  beginning  in  the  Atlantic,  at  a  cape  or  promontory  in 
58  deg.  3U  mui.  north  latitude;  thence,  south westwardly  to  the  Lake  Mistasin;  thence, 
further  southwest,  to  the  latitude  of  49  deg.  north  from  the  equator,  and  a/cmg-  that  lint 
indefmitely" 

Here  lie  tells  the  Rritish  Government  thai  commieisaries  lind  established 
the  line  according  to  that  trcpty,  and  that,  when  the  boundary  reached  tlio 
parallel  of  49,  it  ran  westwardly  along  that  parallel  indefnitclif  towards  the 
ocean.  And  fi'om  the  earliest  period,  ever  since  171 H,  the  date  of  the  treaty 
of  Utrecht,  that  boundary  line  is  to  l)e  found  on  alm«ist  every  map  of  au~ 
thority  from  that  day  to  thi.s.  I  said  that  the  modern  doctrine,  (broached, 
as  I  believe,  for  the  tirst  time  l)y  Mr.  (Jreenhow,)  is  that  that  line  never 
was  in  fact  run.  Why,  sii-,  it  never  way  contemplated  to  be  nm  physically. 
It  would  have  been  almost  physically  impossible  to  have  run  surh  a  line  in 
the  coiidition  in  which  the  country  then  was,  considering  the  great  extent 
and  character  of  territory  over  which  it  was  to  extend.  The  treaty  does  not 
say  that  it  shall  be  run ;  it  says  that  it  shall  be  "  described,"  and  it  was  so 
described,  as  we  contend,  on  the  authority  of  Mr.  Monroe,  Mr.  Madison,  and 
Mr.  Jefferson,  the  then  President.  It  was  described  as  intended  to  run  on 
the  49th  parallel  of  latitude  imlejinitchj — that  is,  to  the  ocean. 

I  make  bold  to  say  that,  at  the  period  of  the  5th  of  Heptember,  1804,  no 
agent  of  the  (Joverninent  had  so  much  as  [iretended  to  any  claim  on  our 
jM.it  beyond  this  line  of  40®,  but  up  to  that  line  our  title  was  clear  and  un- 
deniable, and  so  I  think  it  is.  But,  in  the  condition  in  which  our  title  now 
stands,  I  hold  that  necessity  demands  a  compromise.  I  think  there  is  no 
Senator  on  this  floor  who  reflects  for  a  moment,  ))ut  must  admit  that  in  the 
absence  of  all  compromise  war  is  inevitable,  Spain  has  relinquished  all 
lier  claim ;  Russia  claims  nothing  south  of  54®  40' ;  and  there  is  no  other 
Government  which  asserts  a  title  to  the  country  between  the  parallels  of  42 
and  54  but  England  and  the  United  States. 

How  are  these  conflicting  claims  to  be  settled  ?  How  should  we  have  to 
settle  them  if  it  was  a  new  question  ?  After  we  have  induced  the  subjects  of 
Cirroat  Britain  to  come  into  the  country  and  hold  it  in  common  with  oursehTs, 
under  the  treaty  of  1818  ;  and  after  we  have  renewed  that  treaty  in  1887,. 
leaving  the  question  of  sovereignty  undecided  ;  and  after  we  have  permitted 
and  innted  England  to  extend  her  laws  over  them  as  we  propose  to  extend 


f 


i. 


•<tr.  W 


..^.t    L^.j 


01 
9 


ntedatid^ 
lequently  , 
lerwards 
wo  had 
It  treaty, 
it  on  the 
h  article 

ir,   1804, 

all  restore 
Beacoasta, 
lie.  It  is 
determine, 
rtaining  to 
itween  the 

itipn/aHotu  < 
I  boundary 
iituntory  in 
n;  thence, 
^  tkat  lint 

>tal)li8hod 

ichcd  the 

vards  the 

the  treaty 

ip  of  ati*^ 

(reached, 

ne  never 

hysically. 

a  line  in  ' 

jat  extent 

y  does  not 

it  was  so 

disun,und 

to  nin  on 

1804,  na 

im  on  our 
r  and  un- 

title  now 
ere  is  no 
lat  in  the 
j|.«hed  all 

no  other 
llel9  0t*42 

fe  have  to  , 
iu1)jects  of" 
oiirseh-tis, 
r  in  1887^ 
permitted 
to  extend 


«ura,  what  do  magnanimity  and  national  honor  requiro  at  our  handit  ?  Ob*^ 
viously  a  fair  and  honorable  division  of  the  territory.  And  if  this  can  be 
done  by  the  adoption  of  a  line  peculiarly  appropriate  to  constitute  a  boun* 
dary,  then  I  hold  it  is  proper,  on  our  fwrt,  to  flx  on  such  a  line.  Now,  I 
atik,'  what  ia  our  boimdary  with  the  English  poosesBionH  cast  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains?  The  parallel  of  49<^.  What  it  the  mo^t  natural  boundary  tor 
U8  to  adopt  west  of  these  mountains?  The  |)arallel  of  49^'.  What  line  wat« 
established  under  the  proviHions  of  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  as  being  the  ni08t 
natural  and  proper  for  a  boundary?  The  parallel  of  49®.  What  i»  the  line 
that  should  be  adopted,  looking  to  the  relative  advantages  of  both  parties  1 
The  parallel  of  49--. 

If  this,  then,  were  now  a  new  question,  coming  up  for  the  tirst  time  before 
an  American  Congress,  the  national  'lonor,  so  far  from  being  violated  by  the 
adoption  of  that  boundary,  could,  on  the  contrary,  be  preserved  and  vindi- 
cated by  that  means  only.  Is  it  honomble  in  a  high-minded  nation  to  tell 
the  subjee^s  of  another  nation  to  come  in  with  their  laws;  to  inv'l  them 
over  and  over  again  to  extend  their  poNsesHions  in  the  country  ;  ami  I'len, 
after  getting  them  in,  they  fondly  believing  that  they  weris  to  live  tmdi'f  the 
protection  of  British  law  arN  Rritii^h  power,  to  say  to  these  saine  persouii, 
"  Retire,  go  out  of  the  country,  or  we  will  extend  over  you  ou"  lews  exclii- 
.sively !"  I  admit,  that  lu  fiir  as  the  mere  question  of  right  depends — h^  far 
as  the  proposition  whether  title,  in  the  legal  sense,  is  to  be  acquired  by  any 
possession  hvV  Ity  either  of  the  two  nations  under  the  treaty  of  1818 — it  can- 
not be  debated,  because  the  treaty  provided  that  such  common  posdession 
was  not  to  aflect  the  question  of  title.  But  I  think  it  must  be  obvious,  look- 
ing at  the  character  of  the  transaction,  the  manner  in  which  it  originated, 
and  what  was  declared  to  be  it?  pjirpose,  that  it  is  no  more  than  right  on  the 
part  of  each  of  the  nations  toofiJ'r  and  accept  a  fiiir  division. 

But  it  is  not  a  new  tpiestion  ;  on  the  contrary,  what  the  Government  has 
heretofore  done  imposes  on  us  an  imperative  duty  to  settle  the  controversy 
on  the  parallel  of  49"  if  it  can  be  done.  In  1818  we  proposed  that  line  to 
(ireat  Britain  as  a  boundary,  together  with  the  free  navigation  of  the  Colum- 
bia river  ^  in  1824  we  proposed  the  same  line  without  the  navigation  of  the 
river;  in  1820  the  otter  of  I8l8  was  renewed.  In  1843,  under  Mr.  Tyler, 
when  the  attention  of  this  (Government  was  again  drawn  to  the  sulyect,  au- 
thority was  given  to  our  minister  to  renew  the  oilers  of  1818  and  1826,  both 
as  to  the  line  and  to  the  river. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  subject  when  Mr.  Polk  came  into  the  Pre- 
sidential chair.  And  what  was  his  opinion?  I  said  that,  in  my  judgment, 
the  previous  conduct  of  the  Government  created  a  moral  obligation  of  as 
great  a  binding  force  *as  any  moral  oldigation  can  possess,  to  accept  the 
line  of  49®  if  it  can  be  obtained.  What  says  the  President  in  his  annual 
message  : 

"  In  deference  to  what  had  been  done  by  my  predecessors,  and  especially  in  considera- 
tion that  propositions  of  compromise  had  been  thrice  made  by  two  preceding  administra- 
tions, to  adjust  the  question  on  the  parallel  of  forty-nine  degrees,  and  in  two  of  them 
yielding  to  Great  Britain  the  free  navigation  of  the  Columbia,  and  that  the  pending  nego- 
tiation had  been  commenced  or.  the  basis  of  compromise,  1  deemed  it  to  b^  my  duty  not 
abruptly  to  break  it  off.  *  *  A  proposition  was  accordingly  made,  which  was  rejected 
by  the  Britisli  Plenipotentiary,  &c.    •    •    The  proposition  thus  offered  and  rejected,  re- 

Eeatod  the  offer  of  the  parallel  of  forty-nine  degrees  north  latitude,  which  had  seen  made 
y  two  preceding  administrations,  &c.  *  *  Had  this  been  a  new  question,  coming  un- 
dor  discussion  for  the  first  time,  this  proposition  would  not  have  been  made.  The  extra- 
ordinary and  wholly  inadmissible  demands  of  the  British  Govemment,  and  the  rejection 


i^N 


.^■. 


10 


*»■ 


or  the  propotilion  made  in  deferencfi  alone  to  what  had  been  done  by  my  predeeeMon, 
■and  tkt  implud  obligation  wkieh  their  aet  utmed  to  impou,  aHbrd  satisfactory  eridence  that 
no  compromise  whieh  the  United  SUtet  ought  to  accept  can  be  effected." 

Impose  on  whom  ?  On  J»'j>e8  K.  Polk  ?  No ;  impose  on  the  Americfui 
nation,  of  which  he  was  the  mere  representative,  an  obligation  arising  from 
the  (act  that,  on  four  difibrent  occasions,  this  oflTcr  had  been  authorized  ;  so 
that  the  honor  of  the  nation  boimd  him  now  to  renew  it.  He  renews  ac- 
cordingly the  offer  of  1824,  that  is,  the  line  of  49;  but  with  the  exception  of 
the  navigation  of  the  Cohimbia  river,  at  the  same  time  giving  England  some 
minor  but  substantial  advnntages  in  lieu  of  it.  'I'he  question  I  now  propose 
to  the  friends  of  the  Preside  it  nnthis  floor,  (and  it  is  a  very  obvious  one,)  is 
this  :  If  the  previous  offers  of  this  (Jovernment  in  1818,  1824,  1826,  and 
and  their  renewal  in  1843,  created  an  implied  obligation  on  the  President 
to  settle  our  controversy  on  the  same  terms,  is  not  that  obligation  now  more 
imperative  than  ever,  from  the  fact  that  the  President  himself  has  repeated 
that  very  offer  ?  "Who  is  James  K.  Polk?"  was  a  question  once  asked. 
We  all  know  now  who  he  is,  though  there  are  some  who  do  not  know  what 
he  is.  He  is  the  President  of  the  United  States.  He  speaks  tor  the  whole 
country ;  he  is  vested  with  the  authority  so  to  8|)eak,  and  his  acts,  in  the  ex- 
ercise of  that  authority,  are  as  binding  on  the  United  States  as  the  acts  of 
any  of  his  predecessors  ;  they  can  create  an  obligation,  express  or  implied, 
Just  as  strong  as  the  acts  of  his  predecessors  could  do.  If,  in  making  his  of- 
fer to  England,  he  was  under  obligation  to  make  it  from  the  acts  of  his 
predecessors,  how  can  any  man  deny  that,  having  made  that  offer,  he  is  not 
boimd  to  accept  it  if  it  shall  come  to  him  from  the  other  side  ? 

Supposing  he  shall  refiise  it,  and  go  with  the  Senators  from  Indiana  and 
Ohio  for  54«  40',  what  will  be  the  judgment  of  the  civilized  world  when  Eng- 
land asks  us  to  settle  this  question  of  title  on  terms  which  we  have  five  times 
recognised  as  just  and  fair  ?  Theif'  can  be  but  one  opinion.  What  was 
right  and  proper  in  1818,  right  and  proper  in  1824,  right  and  proper  in  1826, 
right  and  proper  in  184.3,  right  and  proper  in  1845,18  right  and  proper  now. 
Let  us  go  to  war  as  soon  as  we  think  lit  after  the  retiisal  of  such  an  offer, 
and  I  use  no  extravagant  language  when  I  say  that  from  one  end  of  the  civi- 
lized world  to  the  other  the  absolute  and  unmix(>d  reprobation  of  the  Ameri- 
can character,  the  deep  and  permanent  disgrace  of  the  American  name  will 
assuredly  follow. 

But  I  have  no  idea,  not  the  most  remote,  that  we  are  to  be  subjected  to  any 
such  degradation.  I  have  an  abiding,  a  settled  confidence,  which  I  know 
cannot  deceive  me,  that  no  man  standing  in  the  relations  in  which  the  Pre- 
sident admits  himself  to  be  placed,  and  actin;^  under  an  obligation  which  he 
;ulmits  to  be  binding,  and  with  the  Senate  beside  him,  which  1  make  bold  to 
say  will,  by  nmch  more  than  the  constitutional  majority,  affirm  such  an  ad- 
justment as  I  have  referred  to,  M'ill  refuse  to  make  it,  provided  England  gives 
him  the  opportunity.  I  speak  from  an  assurance  derived  from  no  other 
source  than  that  which  I  have  before  me  on  this  floor.  The  Senator  from 
New  York  who  first  addressed  us,  (Mr.  Dix,)  and  the  Senator  from  Missouri 
who  followed  him,  (Mr.  Bknton,)  have  brrth  admitted,  almost  in  words,  cer- 
tainly in  spirit,  that  this  dispute  ought  to  be  compromised  ;  and  though  1  do 
not  intend  to  chatechise  any  Senator,  nor  ask  to  be  informed  of  the  opinion 
entertained  by  any,  vet,  from  the  oft-repeated  remark  of  the  Senator  from 
Michigan,  (Mr.  Casq,)  though  be  did  at  first  alarm  the  Senate  and  the  coun* 
try,  (if  he  will  pardon  me  for  saying  so,)  that  he  feared  a  war,  and  would  be 


V 


Hj 


the  last  man  in  the  land  to  dpsire  it ;  I  do  not  doubt  that,  if  a  suitable  treaty 
jihould  come  into  this  Senate  to-morrow,  he  would  «:ivc  it  his  sanction.' 

Mr.  Cass.    I  will  tell  you  about  that  when  the  time  comes. 

y      Mr.  Johnson.    Then  the  Senator  thinks  such  a  treaty  will  come  ?    I  do 

not  want  him  to  tell  mo  what  his  vote  ii|)on  it  will  be,  I  know  it  in  advance. 

;  He  will^  however,  have  an  opportunity  to  tell  us,  for  I  have  no  doubt  that  in 

due  time  a  treaty  will  come  before  na,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the  Pr(*« 

sident's  friends  as  well  as  \m  onemios. 

And  ax  for  the  Senator  from  New  York,  (Mr.  Dickinson,)  who  com- 
menced his  speech  by  telling  us  that  he  would  demonstrate  our  title  up  to 
54^  40'  to  be  clear  to  all  who  would  listen,  and  who  talked  to  us  about 
"the  vengeance  of  Heaven  beinpf  conveyt'd  to  us  in  tones  of  affection. "  I 
have  just  as  little  doubt  that  if  the  question  comes  to  49-'  or  war,  he  takes 
49>-\ 

There  are  sonic  of  our  friends  on  the  other  side  of  the  chamber,  the  Sen- 
ator from  Illinois,  (Mr.  Bkkesr,)  the  Senator  from  Ohio,  (Mr.  Allen,)  and 
the  Senator  from  Indiana,  (Mr.  Hannegan,)  who  all  go  for  54"^  40'  or  a 
light.  Now,  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  Senator  from  Indiana  will  "  stick"  to 
that,  "not  parenthetically,"  but  in  fact.  If  these  gentlemen  will  pardon  me 
I  will  venture  to  say  that  they  are  the  Hotspurs  of  the  Senate — I  mean  of 
coorse  in  point  of  spirit,  courage,  and  gallantry.  The  Senator  from  In- 
diana, I  suppose,  may  be  considered  as  the  General ;  but  the  Senators  from 
Illinois  and  Ohio  are  certainly  entitled  to  a  distinguished  rank,  for  they  tell 
us  there  is  no  danger  of  a  war  with  England,  and  one  of  them  expressed 
the  opinion  that  England  could  do  us  no  harm. 

Mr.  Hanneuan.     I  said  no  such  thing. 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  know  you  did  not.  You  went  for  war  in  spite  of  all  the 
harm  she  might  do.  But  there  arc^  others  who  think  that  no  great  harm 
can  come  out  of  war  with  England.  What  was  the  ground  taken  by  the 
Senator  from  Ohio,  (Mr.  Allen?)  First,  he  told  us  that  there  would  be  no 
war  at  all.  And  why  ?  Because  England  dare  not  light  us  single  handed 
— whether  for  Oregon  or  anytlii:>g  else.  It  is  a  single  match  which  he 
thinks  she  never  will  undertake,  (and  I  hope  in  God  she  never  may.)  The 
Senator  thinks,  indeed,  that  if  she  can  get  Russia  to  join  with  her,  and 
France  too,  and  has  Mexico  to  aid  both,  sIh'  may  perhaps  pluck  up  courage 
enough  to  fight  the  United  States !  The  Senator  says  that  she  is  the  very 
feeblest  Government  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  This  is  said  by  the  chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations.  And  what  makes  her  feeble  ? 
The  Senator  says  it  is  liecause  she  fi»ught  against  the  colossal  power  of 
Napoleon,  first  with  all  Eumpp,  then  agaiast  all  Europe,  and  then  with  all 
Europe  again,  and  paid  all  the  expenses  besides  of  the  contests.  It  is  the 
adaptation  of  steam  powc*  to  the  naval  marine  ,  it  is  her  immense  pub- 
lic debt  divided  among  m!.:iy  thousands  of  her  own  citizens.  And,  finally, 
that  she  has  this  element  of  obvious  and  apparent  weakness,  she  dare  not 
repudiate  her  debt — a  prn  il^^ge  which  it  seems  the  United  States  have. 

Mr.  Allen.  I  beg  to  t'xplaiu.  I  refc^rred  to  a  state  of  things  superin- 
duced by  war.  The  Senator  knows  that  a  state  of  war  suspends  the  inter- 
est on  foreign  debts  due  to  belligerent  nations.  She  could  not  do  that  be- 
cause her  debt  wps  due  at  home. 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  Senator  does  not  mean  to  say,  I  hope,  that  xvar  sus- 
pended the  payment  of  her  own  debt  due  to  her  own  subjects.  I  was 
j^peaking  of  her  own  debt.    Yet,  in  the  same  breath,  the  Senator  said  that 


•9- 


12 


;»«? 


England  dare  not  repudiate,  and  he  finally  held  her  up  to  the  world  as  a 
"  pauper."  And  all  this  was  to  inspire  us  with  a  sense  of  her  absolute 
weakness.  But,  to  deepen  that  impression  still  more — to  remove  all  dread 
of  England  to  an  intinito  distance,  he  told  us  that  **  England  was  as  feeble  t» 
an  unborn  infant."  And  by  way  of  stating  a  fact,  which  genius  only  was 
equal  to,  described  to  us  this  intiint  as  "  reposing  in  the  lap  of  the  palit." 

Then  the  Senator  from  Illinois  asked  us  what  there  is  about  a  war  with 
England  to  frighten  us?  Could  it  be  her  navy?  (Jive  us  but  twelve 
months'  notice,  (and  this  we  shall  have  by  the  treaty,)  and  m'c  should  have 
a  larger  navy  than  England  ever  had.  Thank  God  for  'hat !  And  then,  1 
suppose,  that  if  all  the  other  European  Powers  should  unite  their  naval 
power  with  that  of  England,  give  us  two  years'  notice  and  we  will  create 
a  navy  greater  than  the  whole.  But  how  is  this  iiavy  of  ours  to  be  obtain- 
ed? By  converting  our  New  York  liners  into  frigates.  No  doubt  the  Sen- 
•  ator  believed  this  statement  to  be  perfectly  correct ;  as  also  his  fiirther 
statement  that  there  was  not  one  of  those  vessels  but  wotdd  be  a  fiill  match 
lor  R  British  frigate  !  And,  as  lor  steanicrn,  he  informed  us  that  though  we 
had  none  quite  so  large  as  those  lately  built  in  England,  yet  we  could  make 
oiirs  go  twenty-seven  miles  an  hour,  which,  1  suppose,  would  be  a  very  great 
advantage,  either  in  running  afler  an  enemy  or  running  away  from  him  ! 
It  is  strange  that  Senators  here,  with  all  their  opportunities  to  know  the 
tnie  condition  of  things,  and  our  actual  relation  to  the  power  of  other  na- 
tions, can  utter,  gravely,  from  their  places  in  this  chamber,  things  so  mon- 
strous to  all  common  sense.  Without  any  intention  to  speak  with  dispar- 
agement of  the  opinions  of  these  gentlemen,  I  cannot  but  remark  that  what  1 
consider  a  better  opinion  has  been  expressed  by  the  Senator  from  Michigan^ 
(Mr.  Cass,)  and  the  Senator  from  New  York,  (Mr.  l)ix,)  when  they  told  us 
that  England  never  was  prepared  to  strike  a  heavier  blow  than  at  this  mo- 
ment, and  that  there  is  no  nation  on  the  globe  whose  power  is  greater,  or 
whom  it  would  be  more  dangerous  for  us  to  encounter.  But,  says  the  Sen- 
ator from  Illinois,  let  the  war  come  ;  she  can  do  us  no  harm  ;  we  may  lose, 
a  few  merchant  ships,  and  I  think  he  said  a  ti'W  sloops-of-war,  but  they 
would  be  easily  rephiced.  No  doubt  the  Senator  really  thinks  the  fact  to  be 
so.  "  No  harm  !"  Has  he  taken  into  his  estimate  the  oceans  of  blood 
that  will  be  spilt .'  the  agonies  of  the  battle-field?  the  shrieks  of  the  dying? 
the  still  more  terrific  shrieks  of  widows  and  orphans?  the  corruption  of  the 
public  morals  ?  the  arrest  of  civilization  I  the  outrages  on  humanity  ?  Will 
the  Senator  say  that  these  are  no  great  evils,  and  that  those  things  can 
"easily  be  replaced?"  The  Senator  from  New  York  who  last  spoke  (Mr. 
Dickinson)  told  us,  however,  that  there  were  women  enough  to  bind  up  our 
wounds.  Ay,  but  J'ero  are  no  women  who  can  bring  back  the  dead.  No 
touch  of  a  weeping  wife  will  avail  to  bring  back  her  husband  from  the  grave. 
And  no  power  short  of  the  divine  influence  of  Christianity,  and  that  exerted 
through  a  long  series  of  years,  can  restore  us  to  a  proper  and  elevated  sense 
of  moral  obligation.  No  valor  can  bring  back  to  their  original  prosperity 
and  brightness  our  desolated  and  blackened  coasts,  our  ravaged  cities,  and, 
above  all,  promptly  place  us,  where  God  intended  we  should  Ik>,  really  and 
truly  at  peace  with  our  fellow-men. 

I  am  bold  to  say — and  1  say  it  in  no  spirit  of  depreciation  of  the  valor  of 
my  countrymen:  I  say  it  with  a  full  conviction  that  they  are  equal  to  any 
emergency — that  let  war  come  upon  us  because  we  have  refused  our  own 
terms,  offered  by  us  over  and  over  again,  and  the  responsibility  of  those 


I 


M 


13 


I 


who  shaU  bring  it  upoo  us  will  be  not  only  heavy  enough  to  sink  a  nav>-, 
tut  Will  cause  those  who  bring  it  about  tq  live,  as  long  as  God  shall 
«ufibr  them  to  live,  with  the  execrations  of  the  world  upon  them,  and  in 
a  state  of  self-reproach  and  mental  agony  altogether  indescril  ible.  1 
fancy  ^  know  how  the  Senator  from  Illinois  would  feci  when  u  widowed  wife 
vhall  approach  him,  and  linking  him  reproachfully  in  the  face,  shall  say  : 
**You  arc  the  cause  of  all  this  wretchedness;  a  false  sense  of  notional 
honor  goaded  you  on,  till  you  have  brought  upon  us  all  this  misery.  There 
lies  my  husband,  a  blackened  corse ;  and  here  am  I,  with  my  orphan  chil- 
dren, wretched  beyond  utterance  ;  and  all  for  nothing !  for,  after  all,  Oregon 
is  lost."  And  the  Senator  trom  Illinois  will  pardon  me  for  saying  he  would 
hang  his  head  in  unmitigated  regret  and  shame  ;  he  would  call  the  moun- 
tains to  fall  on  him ;  he  would  give  the  wealth  of  the  world,  if  he  had  it,  to 
bring  back  that  general  and  individual  peace  and  happiness,  which,  but  for 
him,  might  have  continued  long  to  bless  his  native  land. 

The  age  wo  live  in  denounces  war — that  savage,  beastly  mode  of  settling 
either  territorial  or  individual  controversies.  As  has  been  recently  said  by 
one  now  on  the  verge  of  the  grave,  and  whose  whole  life  has  been  devoted 
to  the  cause  of  benevolence,  "  War  is  fit  only  for  wild  beasts,  but  is  beneath 
the  reason  and  dignity  of  man."  And  as  has  also  been  beautifully  said  by 
one  of  England's  proudest  sons, 

"  The  drying  up  a  single  tear  has  more 

or  honest  fame  than  shedding  seas  of  gore." 

The  spirit  of  the  age  denounces  such  savage  barbarity.  That  other 
•spirit,  which  led  two  powerful  Governments  to  make  an  amicable  and 
honorable  arrangement  of  a  dispute,  onco  so  threatening,  in  regard  to  our 
northeasteni  boundary  now  prevails — a  settlement  which  the  Senator  from 
Ohio  thought  proper  to  stigmatize  as  dishonorable  to  the  nation.  If  there 
were  nothing  else  in  the  lite  of  the  American  negotiator  who  participated 
in  that  happy  result — if  he  had  not  before,  and  often,  both  in  the  forum  and 
in  the  public  councils  of  this  nation,  filled  the  measure  of  human  renown 
— his  correspondence  upon  that  occasion  alone  won  for  him  a  reputation 
tor  penetrating  sagacity,  for  matchless  intellectual  power,  for  sterling 
patriotism,  such  as  has  rarely  been  equalled,  never  surpassed,  by  any  state- 
sman, dead  or  living.  I  beg  pardon  for  speaking  thus  in  the  presence  in 
which  I  stand ;  I  am  defending  the  nationi  rather  than  the  negotiator. 

The  Senate  will  pardon  me  for  saying  further,  that  so  commanding,  so 
powerful  was  the  influence  of  a  part  of  that  correspondence  on  a  subject 
which  threatened  to  involve  the  country  in  war,  that  Lord  Aberdeen,  after 
reading  the  riews  of  the  American  negotiator  on  the  right  of  search,  pro- 
nounced the  prediction  that  from  that  day  forward  no  impressment  would 
again  be  made  of  an  American  sailor.  Ket  the  Senator  from  Ohio  seems  to 
think  that  in  that  negotiation  the  national  honor  was  seriously  injured. 

Mn  Sevikr.    It*  the  Senator  will  pardon  the  interruption,  I  should  hei 

5 tad  to  ask  hi^  authprity  for  stating  thftt  such  was  the  remarks  of  Lord 
iberdeen? 
.  Mr.  JoiiivsoN.    I  apeak  from  peraonal  authority.    I  thought  I  said  so. 

If  such  ends  can  be  accomplished  bj  negotiation,,  if  such  ends  have  beea 
accomplished,  I  inYite  Senators^  in  justice  to  themselves,  in  charity  to  thn 
natidn,  to  encourage  and  support^  one  and  ^XU  what  I  have  no  doubt  is  the  de- 
termination of  the  Chief  Ma^str&te,  to  settle  the  present  contrcversj  by  the* 
«tme  neans.    Let  the  Senator  Scorn  Indkuuh  (Mr.  HA9rrB9A.v,}  learn  to  re- 


u 


hi 


I  'i 


Rtrain  what  I  may  be  permitted  to  call  his  impetuous  patriotism.  Let  hinv 
not  suffer  it  to  run  riot.  Let  him  give  himsplf  up  to  tio  dream  of*  national . 
honor  while  he  is  blind  to  all  the  obligations  which  Christianity  and  human- 
ity impose.  Let  him  take  no  course  that  will  not  leave  as  he  flnds  it  his  n 
native  country  prosperous  and  happy.  Carrv  not  desolation  and  havo^ 
through  every  corner  of  the  land;  and,  above  all,  let  him  pursue  that  course, 
and  be  animated  by  that  spirit,  which  shall  bring  on  us  the  praise  and  ap- 
probation instead  of  the  curses  of  the  world. 

I  am  not  here,  (continued  Mr.  Johnson,)  for  the  purpose  of  assailing  the 
validity  of  the  American  title,  and  I  wish  not  to  be  so  understood.  The  title, 
and  the  means  of  defending  it,  a^e  in  the  hands  of  the  legitimate  department 
of  the  Government ;  and  whilst  thus  in  other  hands,  I  am  not  about  to  ques- 
tion it  to  the  extent  to  which  I  think  our  title  goes,  and  where  I  am  sure  the 
President  intends  to  carry  it,  unless  driven  into  a  war  by  the  obstinacy  of 
England.  But  I  would  rather  my  head  should  be  stricken  off  than  awaken 
the  American  heart  into  being  the  aggressor. 

How  is  the  negotiation  to  be  again  resumed  ?  What  are  the  steps  most 
likely  to  bring  about  that  result?  Are  things  to  remain  as  they  are,  or  is 
the  advice  of  the  President  to  us  to  be  adopted?  I  confess  that  on  this  sub- 
ject my  mind  has  been  solicitously  anxious,  and  has  undergone  recently  a 
change,  and  that  change  has  been  owing  to  facts  to  which  I  have  already  al- 
luded, impressing  ine  with  the  conviction,  in  which  I  am  sure  I  cannot  bo 
deceived,  that  the  President's  motives  are  peaceful.  In  what  condition  are 
we  now "  The  title  to  Oregon — Oregon,  all  or  none — may  be  made,  not  iu 
the  'lands  of  Senators  of  the  United  States,  for  they  are  incapable  of  turning 
it  to  such  a  purpose  ;  it  may  be  made,  I  say,  a  party  watchword ;  it  may  be. 
made  to  fill  the  whole  land,  and  lash  it  into  a  state  of  feverish  excitement. 
Emigrants  to  that  territor}*,  taking  the  excitement  with  them ;  members  of 
the  Senate,  in  the  exercise  of  their  admitted  authority,  proclaiming  to  those 
emigrants  that  they  stand  on  American  soil  and  ought  to  be  protected  ox- 
clusively  by  American  laws,  and  that  every  Englishman  is  a  trespasser  ;  a 
divided  juri.«Jiction  ;  one  system  of  laws  extending  its  protecting  arm  over 
one  household,  and  another  system  over  another;  a  conflict  in  my  judgment 
in  such  a  condition  of  things  would  be  inevitable.  The  state  of  things  provid> 
ed  for  by  the  treaty  of  1818,  and  continued  by  that  of  1827,  cannot  last,  nor 
will  it  last.  How,  then,  is  a  conflict  to  be  avoided  ?  Clearly  by  bringing 
that  state  of  things  to  an  end,  by  dividing  the  disputed  territory,  by  erecting 
each  portion  into  a  separate  sovereignty,  each  to  be  placed  under  the  juris* 
diction  of  its  own  Govoniincnt.  This  can  only  be  done  by  abrogating  the 
treaty.  England  docs  not  give  the  notice,  and  unles*j  we  do,  all  the  dangers 
to  which  I  have  referred  will  follow. 

I  think  the  notice  ought  to  be  given,  and  before  I  sit  down  I  shall  pro- 
pose a  form  of  notice,  somewhat  diflerent,  but  substantially  the  same  with 
one  which  hns  already  been  submitted  i.  the  consideration  of  the  Senate* 
If  I  was  satisfied  that  all  to  which  I  have  alluded  would  not  drive  us  into  a 
conflict,  1  should  infinitely  prefer  the  present  condition  of  things.  The  ad. 
vice  of  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina,  (Mr.  CAhovn,)  the  opinion  which 
he  has  expressed,  wisely  expressed — expressed  in  the  very  spirit  of  wis- 
dom— ^that  our  policy  was  a  masterly  inactivity,  was  in  my  judgment 
the  true  policy  of  this  nation.  By  emigration  we  would,  in  the  course  of 
time,  necesnarily  have  made  the  territory  ours.  But  that  masterly  inac> 
livity  has  gcased  to  be  masterly,  because  of  the  tinmasterly  activity  of  some 


>'l 


15 


Lethinv  k 
»f  national 
nd  humtn- 
flnds  it  hi»  n 
ind  haro^ 
hat  course, 
»o  and  ap- 

sailing  the 
The  title, 
lepartment 
lUt  to  quP8- 
m  sure  the 
bstinacy  of 
!in  awaken 

steps  most 

Y  are,  or  is 
n  this  sub- 
recently  a 
already  al- 

cannot  bo 
udition  are 
tade,  not  iu 
I  of  turning 
;  it  may  be. 
excitement, 
ncmbers  of 
ig  to  those 
otected  ox- 
spasser ;  a 
[  arm  over 

Y  judgment 
ngs  provid- 
>t  last,  nor 
y  bringing 
(v  erecting 
■  the  juris- 
igating  the 
te  dangers 

shall  pro- 
same  with 
le  Senate* 
us  into  a 
The  ad- 
lion  which 
rit  of  wis* 
judgment 
course  of 
terly  inac* 
ty  of  some 


* 


> 


othen.  And  I  am  sure,  without  knowing  what  the  opinion  of  the- 
honorable  Senator  to  whom  I  have  alluded  now  is,  he  will  agree  with 
me  that  the  day  for  masterly  inactivity  is  gone.  Mr.  Presidem,  we  are  in 
the  discharge  of  a  function  of  awful  ard  tremendous  responsibility — ^withthe 
civilized  world  sitting  in  judgment  upon  us  ;  with  the  eyes  of  the  people  of^ 
this  country  turned  with  deep  and  intense  solicitude  towards  us ;  with  the 
hopes  of  humanity,  the  progress  of  Christian  &ith  and  Christian  triumphs 
depending  upon  the  conduct  of  this  body.  Every  lover  of  constitutional  free- 
dom,  wherever  he  may  be  found,  looks  with  trembling  anxiety  to  the  judg- 
ment and  decision  of  the  representatives  of  this  free  republic.  If  wc  act 
wisely,  humanely,  in  a  Christian  spirit,  in  that  spirit  which  prevailed  in  that 
highest  and  most  earnest  wish  of  Heaven,  that  there  shall  be  peace  on  earth 
and  good  will  to  men,  wi>  ./ill  go  on  prospering  and  to  prosper.  But  if  we 
Hct  otherwise  ;  if  we  give  ourselves  up  to  the  leading  of  impetuous  spirits ;  it~ 
we  are  reckless,  regardless  of  the  obligations  of  humanity  and  Christianity ; 
if  we  fly  in  the  face  of  the  spirit  of  peace,  in  which  a  republic  can  alone 
live,  I  repeat  that,  so  far  from  having  the  blessir  gs  of  the  world  upon  us,  we 
will  descend  to  afterages  as  enemies  of  man  an  1  of  God. 

In  this  tearful  crisis,  then,  of  our  country,  it  becomes  us,  Mr.  President,  iu 
humble  supplication  before  that  God  whom  we  all  in  common  adore,  to  im- 
plore his  mercy  to  save  us  from  the  desolating  calamities  with  which  we 
are  threatened,  and  to  preserve  us  a  great,  peaceful,  and  happy  nation. 

I  propose,  then,  in  concluding,  to  offi>r,  by  way  of  amendment  to  the  reso^i- 
lution  which  came  from  the  House  of  Representatives  on  this  subject,  and 
as  a  substitute  for  that  resolution,  the  preamble  and  resolutions  offered 
by  the  Senator  from  Kentucky,  (Mr.  Chittenden,)  with  this  difference  • 
that,  instead  of  deferring  the  notice,  as  the  original  amendm  ant  proposed, 
to  be  given  from  and  after  the  termination  of  the  session  of  Congress,  it 
may  be  given  from  and  after  the  first  day  of  Jime  next.  With  this  altera* 
t'on,  I  shall  move  the  adoption  of  those  resolutions,  and  cease  to  trouble  the 
&'mate  further  on  the  subject. 

Mr.  Breksk  said  he  did  not  rise  for  the  purpot^e  of  replying  at  length  to  the 
remarks  of  the  Senator  from  Maryland,  who  had  just  taken  his  seat,  but  to 
ask  him,  in  a  kind  spirit,  one  or  two  questions,  which  it  may  not  be  very 
material  that  he  should  answer  one  way  or  the  other.  It  is  in  vain  to  say, 
sir,  as  he  has  said,  that  the  spirit  of  the  age  andof  Christianity  isagaisnt  war,and 
the  promotion  of  o  just  right  by  force.  Did  the  Senator  never  reflect  that 
national  honor  is  a  national  possession  of  the  highest  value  ?  Did  he  never 
consider  tha.  ^  people  that  does  not  place  a  proper  estimate  upon  it,  and 
stand  up  in  its  defence,  is  unworthy  to  be  enrolled  among  independent  na- 
tions ?  Did  he  never  consider  that  his  portrayal  of  the  calamities  of  war,  as 
an  argi  nient  against  a  war,  strikes  at  the  foundation  of  the  principle  of  na- 
tional defence,  and  releases  the  nation  from  its  high  and  imperious  obliga- 
tion to  protect  and  defend  all  the  rights  of  the  nation?  And,  that  this  high 
duty  would  end,  if  we  arc  to  count  the  cost  and  the  calamities  of  war,  and 
he  deterred  from  our  purpose  by  them,  how  great  soever  they  might  be  ? 
It  was  not  the  spirit  oUthe  age,  he  apprehended ;  at  any  rate,  ii  was  not  the 
spirit  of  the  American  people,  to  suHer  passively  any  encroachment  upon 
their  rights,  but  would  resist  it  to  the  death.  As  the  honorable  Senator, 
in  the  course  of  his  remarks,  thought  proper  to  compare  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Indiana,  (Mr.  Hannbuan,)  and  from  Ohio,  (Mr.  Ai.lk|u)  with  himself* 
^Mr.  B.,)  to  a  character  somewhat  celebrated  iu  English  nistory,  the  re- 


h^ 


mmf 


If 

I, 
'I  ' 


16 

«  ■ 

nowned  Hotspur,  the  allusion,  sir,  though  hr  (Mr.  B.)  possessed  none  of  the 
Characteristics  which  marked  that  distinguished  champion,  had  awakened 
his  recollection  to  a  portion  of  his  hintory  as  portrayed  by  that  masteify  de- 
lineator of  the  human  passions  and  human  nature,  in  the  scene  between  him, 
<jrlendower,  and  Mortimer,  when,  expecting  a  successful  ifisue  to  the  rebel- 
lion  in  which  they  were  engaged,  they  were  dividing  the  realm  of  Eng- 
land between  them;  and  it  seemed  quite  appropos  to  the  last  proposition  of 
the  British  Government  to  divide  Oregon  by  the  Columbia  river,  and  be 
would  commend  it  to  the  attention  of  the  Senator : 

"  Methink*  my  moiety,  north  from  Burton  here, 
Id  quantity  equals  not  one  of  yours : 
See  how  this  river  comes  me  crankine  in, 
And  cuts  me  from  the  best' of  all  my  land — 
A  huge  half  moon,  a  monstrous  cantieout." 

And,  sir,  (said  Mr.  B.)  on  this  question  of  Oregon,  I  will  say  with  the  gal- 
lant Hotspur,  with  a  slight  interpolation  to  suit  the  case : 

"  ri!  ^*e  thrice  so  much  land  <.,' 

To  any  well-deservinp  friend  ; 
But  in  the  way  of  bargain — 
(And  with  England  too,)  mark  ye  me! 
J'U  emU  on  the  ninth  part  of  a  kmr." 

Mr.  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  said  he  was  very  much  pleased  with  the  pas- 
sage from  the  poet  which  the  Senator  had  recited,  for  he  now  saw  the  au- 
thority on  which  t^e  Senator  intended  to  assert  our  title  to  the  whole  of 
-Oregon — that  it  was  poetic. 

But  in  relation  to  the  question,  as  to  whether  he  meant  to  say  that  the) 
spirit  of  the  age  wa^  against  a  war  for  the  defence  of  clear  and  substantial 
rights.  The  Senator  could  not  seriously  suppose  that  he  would  abandon  any 
such  rights;  he  would  leave  the  war,  however,  to  be  brought  on  by  the  ad- 
versary, and  not  by  ourselves.  But  he  had  yet  to  learn  that  the  adjustment 
of  the  controversy  upon  terms  offered  by  the  President  of  his  own  choico 
^ould  be.  an  abandonment  of  national  honor. 


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